In July 2024, Bangladesh experienced a reckoning long in the making. A student-led demand for the restoration of a fair and inclusive quota system turned into a historic uprising against authoritarian rule. This site is an archive of The Daily Star’s reporting from that pivotal period and the year since. It includes eyewitness accounts, investigations, photographs, and analysis. It documents the courage, pain, solidarity, and the transformation that defined the July Uprising.
How a student's movement for reform of the quota system for government jobs turned into a mass upsurge against a fascist government and led to the fall of Sheikh Hasina after 15 years in power.
Timeline- by Md Shahnawaz Khan Chandan
A narrative of the July 2024 uprising, told through eyewitness accounts and personal testimonies from those who lived it.
Day-by-day breakdown of the key events, turning points, and public resistance from July 1 to August 5, 2024.
A comprehensive explainer tracing the roots of the quota system from 1972 to today, detailing how it evolved and continues to shape debates over merit and representation
The July Uprising may have began with student protests but it grew into a nationwide revolt that cut across class, creed, and ideology. Fueled by years of frustration, young people turned anger into action, using digital platforms to organise, mobilise, and unite the country. As the regime responded with violence, more joined: garment workers, rickshaw-pullers, teachers, parents, doctors, artists, street vendors. People who had never marched stood beside lifelong resisters, bound not by politics but by a shared conviction that enough was enough.
From the beginning of the protests on July 5 to the day Sheikh Hasina was forced to resign and flee on August 5, female students were at the forefront of the movement. Across cities, women weren't just present, they were pivotal.
In an unprecedented show of unity, students from rival political groups and contrasting campuses came together during the July Uprising. Students who would rarely cross paths, from madrassas, public and private universities, left and right, formed an extraordinary alliance to resist state violence and demand justice.
On seeing students being attacked, university and school teachers and other faculty members organised protests and press conferences to express outrage and support. Aklima Akter, an assistant professor at Kabi Nazrul Government College, risked her life for a student she didn't even know.
- by Tangila Tasnim, Shaheen Mollah & Naziba Basher
Garment workers marched after shifts, homemakers handed out saline, retired officers guarded buildings while students hid inside. Elsewhere, teachers, imams, rickshaw-pullers and shopkeepers formed a silent safety net, keeping the movement alive in whichever way they could.
- by Ayaan Shams Siddiquee, Azra Humayra & Zabin Tazrin Nashita
Between July 15 and August 5 last year, parents across the country held their breaths waiting, worrying, and counting the hours until their children returned home from the protests. Some had their parents' blessing. Others went without it.
At the height of the July uprising, many hospitals turned their backs, some out of fear, others silenced or forced into complicity. In the heart of Jatrabari, one of the uprising's fiercest flashpoints, Safa Marwa became a rare sanctuary.
With hospitals overwhelmed or unwilling, two young doctors, Dr Worthy Jukhrif and Dr Hritisha Aktar Mitheen, created a makeshift clinic in their garage, risking everything to care for the wounded. They saved over 100 lives in 2 days.
The July Movement in Bangladesh fused protest with digital defiance, using social media to bypass media silence, mobilise voices, and challenge power. It reshaped activism, highlighting social media’s role in truth, trauma, and transformation.
"I was following the procession when my mother called me, asking whether I was okay or not. I laughed and said there's nothing to worry about. But just moments later, a palpable shift occurred. The crowd of protesters began to scatter in panic. BCL activists had started hurling bricks..."
"The pre-planned, peaceful absentee funeral at the DU campus on July 17 was a part of the prayers for the lives lost in the quota reformation protests...After the funeral, law enforcement personnel fired numerous teargas shells, sound grenades, and rubber bullets at the students and journalists without provocation."
"In that chaos, a bullet flew right past me and struck a young woman just a few metres behind. Other protesters quickly carried her to a hospital. She survived, but was seriously injured. Another protester wasn't as lucky. A police bullet hit him in the eye. He didn't survive."
As repression deepened and speech was punished, Bangladesh’s artists rose in defiance. Their tools: pens, paint, melodies, and beats, became weapons against state violence. Cartoonists were the first to strike back in the wake of the brutal crackdown flooding social media with sharp, fearless satire. Public spaces became protest sites with raw unfiltered graffiti. And from the underground, rap artists turned their verses into rallying cries, capturing the anger and hope of a generation refusing to stay silent.
Read: Grafitti vs Regime
by Raffat Binte Rashid
Read: Uprising of Cartoons
by Simu Naser
Read: July never ended, it’s an ongoing reality
Interview of singer, Farzana Wahid Shayan
Read: How artistes flamed cultural defiance in July
by Rakshanda Rahman Misha
Throughout July, Bangladesh’s security forces and ruling-party militias responded with overwhelming force. Curfews and a nationwide internet shutdown severed communication, obstructed emergency response, and isolated protest zones. Police raided hospitals, detained the wounded, and targeted medics. Enforced disappearances, custodial torture, and mass arrests created a climate of terror.
On July 16th, police shot and killed Abu Sayed, an English student from Begum Rokeya University. In the haunting video that spread across social media, Abu Sayed stands defiant—arms wide, chest bared, unarmed—before being shot and collapsing to the ground. His death struck a deep national nerve, sparking a nationwide outcry, drawing in people from all walks of life to join the movement in larger and larger numbers.
Between July and August many were killed, and many remain uncounted. They were students, workers, sons, daughters, friends, each with dreams that were cut short. These are some of the stories of those killed in the July uprising.
The Daily Star had analysed injuries of 204 victims of the violent clashes centring the quota movement and found that 195 (95 percent) were killed by bullets, including live rounds, rubber bullets and shotgun pellets. Of them, 113 were shot by live rounds that struck mostly in the head, chest, stomach and abdomen.
"The air inside Dhaka hospitals was filled with cries for help and painful screams. There were not enough beds to treat all the patients. The scene resembled hospitals inside a war zone."
"By the night of July 17, the government, led by the Awami League alliance, shut down mobile internet services. Despite that, our news operation kept going as usual."
"When Hasina fell and Gono Bhaban was taken over, the protesters turned on the police. The police were armed—the protesters were not."
Seven months after the July uprising in Bangladesh, many protesters still remain missing. The Daily Star investigated 31 cases and found evidence of systematic government efforts to cover up medical records and bodies of the victims so they can never be found again. This story documents how families were denied time to collect the corpses from hospital morgues, and how they are now waiting for the bodies of their loved ones.
On August 5, Sheikh Hasina was ousted. Huge crowds rushed into the abandoned prime minister's residence, rejoicing in the victory. Bangladesh entered a new era marked by grief, backlash,and hope. As the country reeled from the trauma of July, public anger turned toward the police and ruling party operatives who had carried out the violence. An interim government, led by Nobel Laureate, Professor Muhummad Yunus, was swiftly formed to stabilise the country. A new political party emerged from within the movement, several commissions have been set up to address decades of damage.
The "Droho Jatra" was called by a group of students and teachers, cultural organisations, and civil society members, demanding an end to mass arrests, justice for the "July massacre", release of arrested students, withdrawal of curfew, reopening of educational institutions, and the resignation of the government.
The Daily Star talked to seven key Awami League leaders and senior police officials who were delegated with crucial responsibilities during the tumultuous days of July-August of 2024. Taken together with the information from the UN fact-finding report on the uprising, these personal accounts provide a vivid description of what transpired between Hasina and her close aides inside the Gono Bhaban during her last days in power.
When the air force transporter plane carrying Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka on August 5, it took off as a training flight and turned off its transponders to blur its flightpath and location.
On July 10, the tribunal formally framed charges against Hasina and her two top aides. The charges against the trio include murder, attempted murder, torture, and the use of lethal weapons and other crimes against humanity. More than two-thirds of the 206 people accused of crimes against humanity during the July 2024 uprising remain at large, including former top officials. With only 73 arrests so far, victims’ families fear justice is slipping away.
In solemn tribute to the martyrs and the bravehearts of the July uprising
- The Daily Star